19. Ancient Rus and the Great Steppe, Gumilev

XVIII. Adversity, 111. the "YELLOW DOG myth", the history and origin of the Mongols, first phase.

By means of comparative ethnology, it was possible to establish the approximate duration of the (incubation) period separating the moment of the passionate impulse from the epoch of the visible beginning of the ethnogenetic process. This incubation period generally lasts about 150 years, but our awareness of the "beginnings" of different peoples is so different that we often record the "beginning" of the history of an ethnic group with a delay. This is exactly what takes place in the history of the Mongols, very little known to Chinese geographers before the XIII century. They simply noted in the VII-IX centuries. south of Lake Baikal, the Meng tribe (meng-gu), and then the Menshan Mountain. In the X-XII centuries, the Mongols were friends of the Khitans and, consequently, opponents of the Tatars and enemies of the Jurchens, from whom the Mongols were separated by a river (not sure?! - L.G.) [1].

There are several mythological versions about the most ancient period of the history and ethnogenesis of the Mongols. Mongolian historians were interested only in genealogy, and political events, social situations, cultural shifts were beyond their sphere of attention. Therefore, the dates necessary for the historian of the XX century, which are the skeleton of historical science, are not established.

But since the middle of the XI century, the second semi-historical, i.e. legendary, period of Mongolian ethnogenesis begins, marked by the appearance of a legend, the veracity of which the Mongols themselves doubted. The progenitor of the Mongolian ethnic group Alan-Goa gave birth to two sons from her husband and three from a light-haired young man who came to her at midnight through the smoke hole of the yurt and left at dawn like a yellow dog. Conception allegedly occurred from the light emanating from the young man and penetrating into the womb of the widow. Of course, an ordinary miracle of the day.

From this strange union, even for contemporaries, Bodonchar was born, judging by the description - a typical passionary, at first considered... a fool. He is credited with the invention of hunting with a tamed falcon, and the subordination of some neighboring tribe, i.e. the establishment of inequality, and the introduction of a kind of ancestral cult, described extremely vaguely.

Many Mongolian tribal divisions, including Borjigins, which means "blue-eyed", built their genealogy to Bodonchar. It was believed that the blueness of the eyes and reddish hair were the result of the origin of the "yellow dog".

Let's try to interpret this legend. It states the fact of ethnic mixing of the two substrates and the increased activity of the emerging population. Before that, tribes lived on the banks of the Onon that did not attract anyone's attention, i.e. they were in the phase of ethnic homeostasis. Their economy was natural, the forms of the hostel were traditional, their views were inherited from their ancestors and gradually forgotten. Even communication between the original ethnic substrates was sluggish. For the sake of the desired peace, they preferred not to meet, and even more so, not to know anything about each other. But with the grandchildren of Bodonchar, who was born no earlier than 970 [2], the process of forming an ethnos began. There was a division into new generic groups that arose from the loins of Alan-Goa - nirun - and ancient - darlekin. Suddenly the names of the leaders, not yet khans, became known. Their literal name is "sitting at the head", i.e. "chairmen"[3]. One of those was Haidu, the great-grandson of Bodonchar, the father of the founders of the most prominent families (noyankin, Taijiut, aralud, kuyat-gerges, khaburkhod, Sunid, khonghotan and oronar). There were more Mongol clans, and their numbers grew.

During this time, an original social differentiation took place within the Mongolian clans. The names of these or other Mongols are joined by peculiar epithets: bahadur (batur) - hero; sechen (setsen) - wise; mergen - accurate; bilge - smart; boho (boko) - strong; tegin (Turkic) - tsarevich; buyuruk (Turkic) - commanding; taishi (kit.) - a member of the royal family; sengun (kit.) - the heir to the throne; and their wives are called: khatun and run [4].

It is easy to see that the main part of these epithets, which are titles, is not related to aristocratic origin, because all Mongols descended from Alan-Goa and Bur-te-Chino (deer and wolf), and not with wealth, then appearing, then disappearing, but with personal business qualities. From an amorphous homeostatic state, the irgen (tribe or sub-tribe) moved to a new, active state - turned into a system where all the abilities of the members are mobilized. Man as such became an element that made up the irgen, which imposed certain duties on him, but also gave him protection and a place under the sun.

For the offense of a member of the irgen, the whole irgen had to stand up; for any of his crimes, all of his relatives were also responsible. The concept of collective responsibility has become a behavioral imperative for the Mongols. On this basis, rights are crystallized, determined by the degrees and gradations of kinship relations, and duties calculated in connection with the abilities of a member of the tribe. This is a typical case of the formation of the first phase of ethnogenesis, so similar to the appearance of feudalism in the Carolingian state that a western attempt was even made to call the organization of Mongolian society nomadic feudalism.[5]

Usually, to seize foreign lands, a strong military organization is needed to overcome the resistance of the native aborigines. But the Mongols were helped by nature itself. The great drought of the tenth century ended, and the border of the feather grass steppes crept from the shores of Shilka to the south, to Onon and the Kerulen.[6] In place of the former deserts, enlivened by ephedra bushes, herds of saigas and gazelles began to graze again, as in the era of the Turkyut kaganate, large hares ran in, marmots and ground squirrels dug their holes. It became easy and satisfying to live here, and the first who mastered the steppe spaces up to the Gobi Desert were the ancestors of the Mongols.

Keraites settled on the shores of the stormy Selenga; to the south of Kerulen - Otuz-Tatars, i.e. thirty clans; south of Baikal, on the slopes of Khamar-Daban, - militant Merkits, and to the west of them - numerous Oirats; the westernmost Mongolian-speaking tribe in Western Mongolia were the Naimans, who came here not from Siberia, but from Semirechye and Dzungaria.[7] This was the northern branch of the Kara-Kitai, who were ousted from their eastern homeland by the passionate Jurchens in 1125. Due to the differences in origin, culture and historical fate, the Naimans were very different from the Eastern Mongols, including the Keraites. The fate of these northern tribes, touched by the passionate explosion and passed their incubation period in the XI century, turned out differently.

But there was nothing like this at the time of Bodonchar, i.e. the first generation of descendants of Alan-Goa and the "yellow dog". The brothers robbed Bodonchar and kicked him out. In order to subdue the alien tribe, Bodonchar only persuaded his brothers, as well as his mother, to stop quarreling for a while. No social imperative is noticeable - only short-sighted selfishness and personal whims, without understanding common tasks. And this is at the end of the tenth century!

It should be added to this that the population growth in the XI century increased dramatically. At the beginning of the XII century, the Mongols no longer had enough in the Onon Valley. They spread to the west - to Khilka and the lower Selenga, where they encountered brave and militant Merkits, little affected by the passionate impulse, but preserving the traditions of their Samoyed ancestors.

The Mongols become cramped in their country, and they do what is usually done in such cases - they choose the supreme ruler - the hagan (khan). It was Khabul, a representative of the eighth generation of descendants of Alan-Goa and the "yellow dog". He reigned in the 1130-1140s of the XII century. It was then that the incubation period of Mongolian ethnogenesis ended and the Mongolian history began.

Now let's return to the problem of the "yellow dog". It is hardly worth interpreting the myth literally. Anthropomorphism and zoomorphism are just metaphors peculiar to oral creativity. The Mongols and Tibetans themselves considered the luminous young man, transformed into a dog, a literary image, an allegory. Its meaning is clear: the Mongols marked and dated by counting generations the date of birth of their ethnic group, or the change of epoch. The birth of Bodonchar was a historical milestone for them, as for the Hijra Arabs, with the only difference that they counted not according to the astronomical, but according to the biological calendar. Now geneticists consider their flies to be so.

And finally, the passionate push is described as irradiation of the fetus in the womb. This is exactly the phenomenon that generates mutations. It is impossible to invent such a thing, and it is difficult to believe a woman who claims it. Apparently, the Mongols of the tenth century themselves were skeptical about the story of Alan-Goa. But when her descendants seized first influence and then power, it became safer not to argue. And even later, the legend began to be perceived as a fairy tale, because folklore and biophysics are even more incompatible than genius and villainy.

But the mutational impulse cannot change only one, and even behavioral, features. The spread of signs is mandatory... and it really took place. Two authors speak about the difference in the appearance of Borjigins from other nomads: the Chinese Zhao Hong and the Turk Abul-Gazi. "Tatars are not very tall. The highest... 156-160 cm.[8] There are no fat ones. Their faces are wide, their cheekbones are large. Eyes without upper eyelashes. The beard is rare. Temujin is tall and majestic in stature, with a broad forehead and a long beard. The personality is belligerent and strong. This is how he differs from others"[9]. Borjigins have eyes "blue-green (pers)..." or "dark blue, where the pupil is surrounded by a brown rim"[10]. So, the mutation affected not only the psyche, but also the details of the appearance of the Borjigins, which removes doubt about its presence. And what was their role - we'll see.

The area of the passionate push covered the Amur Region, the Ussuri Region and the Eastern Transbaikalia. The eastern neighbors of the Mongols, the Jurchens, seized Northern China before the Huai River. The western neighbors of the Mongols in the valleys of Selenga and Angara were beyond the reach of the push that captured the Mongols and Tatars in the interfluve of Onon and Kerulen. Having accepted this thesis, we can easily explain the rise in activity of eastern nomads who lived in steppes, less abundant than Western ones. Until now, this fact has not been explained in the literature, but without the introduction of the concept of "biosphere" a satisfactory explanation could not be found.

Let's move on to the history of the Mongols. Their pace was strikingly fast. Khabul was born around 1100, eight generations lived and died in 130 years. This means that the Mongols reproduced offspring at the age of 16-18, after which they quickly gave way to youth. Of course, thirty-year-old soldiers were not written off in old age, but, apparently, rare men lived to this age. They died in constant wars, managing only to conceive sons, also doomed to early death. And if, under such unfavorable conditions, the Mongolian ethnos did not disappear and did not become an enslaved tribe among strong neighbors, then it means that the Mongols had the strength and ability to overstrain, thanks to which they went from victory to victory. It is these qualities that we define as the consequences of the passionarity that has arisen in the incubation period of the emerging ethnos. At the beginning of the XII century. the Mongolian ethnos has already become a fact of World history, so that the sacrifice of young ancestors, whose names have not been preserved, bore fruit.

112. THE EMERGENCE OF DIVERSITY

The passionate impulse that took place in the XI century touched not only the Jurchens and Mongols. It could not but affect their neighbors who lived in the area of the shock. Tatars, who lived south of Kerulen, and Keraites, who roamed along the banks of the Tola, also experienced a rise in passionate tension. Unfortunately, their geographical position was not as favorable as that of the Mongols. They had a powerful and unpleasant neighbor - the Khitan Liao Empire. In 1100, there was a constant war in the Steppe between nomads (the Khitan called them tsubu) [11] and regular troops, and the latter, having rear areas and bases, could not help but win.

In this war, many Tatar passionaries who were born laid down their heads, but managed to leave offspring before that, who waited for the hour of the death of the hated Liao. Following the principle "the enemies of our enemies are our friends", the Tatars made friends with the Jurchens who defeated the Khitans. It was an extremely short-sighted policy, because the Jurchens inherited the political line of the Khitans - the struggle with the Great Steppe. The Jurchen "Altan Khans" (a title denoting "gold" and equivalent to the Chinese Kin) did not like the Tatars, but used them against the Keraites and Mongols, whom the Tatars regarded as natural rivals in the struggle for the right to dominate the Steppe.

To the political enmity was added a religious one. In 1109, the Keraites adopted Christianity according to the Nestorian confession. A little earlier, the Mongols converted to the Tibetan bon-religion - the veneration of the solar deity Mitra, the patron saint of loyalty and valor.[12] And the Tatars, like their Jurchen allies, fell in love with the Indian teachings of shamans, whom they called the Turkic word "kam". The energy of the passionate tension, the same throughout its range, led to the formation of three original systems, a war between them, which was inevitable.

Religious affiliation in itself does not lead to military clashes, but in the presence of a conflict situation, it is like a litmus test that determines the presence of acids and alkalis. Nestorian Christianity was a "white faith" that opposed the "yellow faith" - Buddhism, despite the fact that Prince Siddharta, or Shakyamuni Buddha, was recognized as the holy Prince Joseph [13]. It was not about the complexities of dogmatics, but about the "mentality", or the nature of the worldview. The mentality of Buddhists and Nestorians was different, but Christianity did not shock the followers of the Bon religion (from the Indian "punya" - heaven). Mitra (Mizir in Mongolian) was for believers and non-believers like any law of nature.

They did not punish for military tricks, cunning and cruelty, but only for deceiving the confidant, i.e. for violating the contract. Christians, who did not approve of Judas' act at all, although he simply informed the authorities where to look for the "criminal", had no contradictions with the Mithraists on this most important issue in those conditions. The veneration not of Mithras himself, but of his principle coincided with Christian morality. Therefore, the "white" and "black" (more precisely, dark blue) faith did not enter into ideological conflicts.

But shamanism - the doctrine of three worlds: the middle, where people and animals live, the upper and lower, whose inhabitants are perceived by us as spirits - was fundamentally different from theistic religions. But since shamans were able to treat patients, which neither priests nor lamas could do, their services were used, although this sometimes led to conflicts if the treatment was unsuccessful. And this has happened.

However, it is important for us now to note the principle of selectivity in accepting religion. At low levels of passionarity, people are indifferent. They either keep the usual ideology, or accept the one that is imposed on them by force. But in this case, no one had the strength to introduce a new faith into the environment of free nomads. They answered simply: "Don't be our benefactor, leave our souls alone." They accepted the confession that they sincerely liked. And since tastes are included in behavioral stereotypes as components, the presence of three different confessions adopted in one era indicates the growth of the passionarity of ethnic systems in the XI century, after which the differences of faith began to gradually smooth out and the Mongolian polytheism that was described in the XIX century was formed [14].

However, this was not the initial form of the genesis of the spiritual culture of the Mongols and Buryats, but the final, the finale of the intense to the high tragedy of the history of the Mongolian rise of 1201-1370. Why so fast? What burns brightly burns quickly! But now it is important for us to look at how the process of ethnogenesis began, which gave such an unprecedented, albeit short-term, effect.

113. THE WAR IN THE STEPPE

Although the difference of ideological systems in itself does not cause wars, but such systems cement groups that are ready for wars. Mongolia of the 20th century was no exception.  Already in 1122, the Mongols and Tatars shared the dominance in the eastern part of the Great Steppe, and the victorious Jurchens on other fronts took an observation position.[15] Then in 1129, when the Jurchen corps, pursuing the Khitan retreating to the west, advanced into the steppe, the Mongol head Khabul-khagan declared war on the Jurchens, which stopped their troops and forced them to return to China to avoid a clash. The cautious Emperor Ukimai chose not to acquire an enemy in the north at a time when his best troops were fighting the Chinese and Tibetans.[16] He even tried to negotiate with Khabul-hagan and invited him to his capital. But the Mongol leader behaved rudely and uncompromisingly: not trusting the Jurchens, he constantly left the hall during a diplomatic feast to regurgitate food, because he was afraid of poison. Nevertheless, Ukimai forbade arresting him, rightly believing that the Mongols would find a new khan, and their army would not become less formidable from the loss of several people.[17]

But after Ukimai's death in 1134, Hoda, an intemperate and vindictive man, took the throne. He sent scouts to the steppe to catch the Khabul-hagan, which they did, catching him on the way. But while they were taking the khan to the massacre, his relative, with whom the scouts stopped for a rest, suspected evil and changed Khabul-hagan's horse to a white stallion. Khabul found an opportunity, put a fresh horse in the swing and galloped home, and his relatives killed his pursuers.[18]

And then, in 1135, a real war began. In 1139, the Mongols completely defeated the Jurchens at Mount Hailin [19], the location of which is unknown. In 1147, the Jurchens were forced to ask for peace and agreed to pay tribute to the Mongols. But the agreement was not respected, and the peace was not long.

At the same time, there was a war on the western outskirts of the Mongolian lands. There, the indomitable Merkits responded with a raid on a raid, a spear strike on a blow.[20] This war, where both sides were guided by the concepts of a blood feud and collective responsibility, could not end while at least one of the combatants was in the saddle. Looking ahead, let's say that it dragged on for 80 years.

But it turned out even worse in the south-east, with the Tatars. It happened that Khabul-hagan's brother-in-law, who was seriously ill, was summoned by a kama (shaman) from the Tatars. He could not cure the patient and was sent back. But the relatives of the deceased decided that Kam was being treated in bad faith, went after him and beat him to death.

So, a new vendetta arose: blood for blood... and the war until the complete extermination of the enemy [21].  It may and should seem strange to the reader that the Mongols, Merkits and Tatars were least of all guided by considerations of economic benefit. But it would have seemed surprising to the Mongols of the XII century that one could give one's life for the sake of acquiring lands, of which there were so many, because the population was rare, or flocks of sheep, because they had to be quickly slaughtered to treat fellow tribesmen. But to take a mortal risk to wash away a grudge or to help out a relative, they considered it natural and obligatory for themselves. Small cattle-breeding tribes could not exist without a firm principle of mutual assistance. This principle formed the basis of their adaptation to the natural and ethnic environment in the conditions of growing passionate tension. If it were not for this, the Mongols would live relatively quietly, like, for example, the Evenks north of Lake Baikal. But passionarity put pressure on them from within, forced them to adapt to this pressure and create new ethnic groups and rigid social forms of tribal organizations, or uluses in need of khagan rulers instead of discrete, amorphous systems.

The birth of states had begun.  The creation of a state, even when its necessity is obvious, is a dialectical process. Some pull to the right, others to the left, others forward, others backward. And everyone is dissatisfied with their neighbor. However, gradually the variants of aspirations are integrated and amenable to generalization by the historian. So, it was in Mongolia of the XII century, where there were two lines of development that exclude each other. Without taking into account this internal contradiction, it is impossible to understand the development of further events.

114. "PEOPLE OF LONG WILL"

In the XII century. the main element of the ancient Mongol society was the genus (oboh), which was at the stage of decomposition. At the head of the clans was the steppe nobility. Its representatives bore honorary titles: Bahadur, Noyon, sachen and taishi. The main concern of the Bagadurs and Noyons was to get pastures and workers to take care of cattle and yurts.

Other strata were: vigilantes (nuhurs), kinsmen of lower origin (harachu, or black bone) and slaves (bogol), as well as entire clans conquered by once stronger clans or joined them voluntarily (unagan bogol). These latter were not deprived of their personal freedom and essentially differed little in legal terms from their masters. The low level of development of productive forces and trade, even barter, made it impossible to use forced labor in nomadic cattle breeding. Slaves were used as domestic servants, which did not affect the development of industrial relations, and the foundations of the tribal system were preserved.

Joint ownership of land, sacrifices to ancestors, blood feud and intertribal wars related to it - all this was not the competence of an individual, but of the clan as a whole. In the Mongols, the idea of the tribal collective as the basis of social life, of generic (collective) responsibility for the fate of any kind and of obligatory mutual assistance had taken root. A member of the genus has always felt the support of his team and has always been ready to fulfill the duties imposed on him by the team. But in such a rigid system, the passionarity of individual relatives is not only not needed - it is directly contraindicated to it, because it undermines the authority of the elders, and thereby the tribal orders.

But the Mongol clans covered the entire population of Mongolia only nominally. In fact, there were always individuals who were burdened by the discipline of the tribal community, where the actual power belonged to the elders, and the others, despite any merit, had to be content with a secondary position. Those heroes who did not put up with the need to always be in the last roles, separated from the tribal communities, left their kurens and became "people of long will" or "free state", in the Chinese transfer - "white-bodied" (baishen), i.e. white bone [22]. The fate of these people was often tragic: deprived of public support, they were forced to earn their living by forest hunting, fishing and even robbery, for which they were killed. Over time, they began to form separate detachments to resist their organized tribesmen, and to look for leaders to fight against tribal associations. Their number grew steadily, and the ideals of a new life and a new structure of society were born in their midst, in which they would stop being poisoned like wolves. These ideals were: the reconstruction of everyday life in a military way and the active defense of the motherland, i.e. The Great Steppe, from the Jurchen invasions, unequivocally called in the Kin Empire "the reduction of slaves and the extermination of people"[23]. These extermination campaigns were repeated every three years, starting in 1161. Girls and boys were not killed, but sold into slavery in Shandong. "The Tatars fled to Shamo (the desert), and vengeance penetrated into their brain and blood"[24]. Those who managed to escape from captivity replenished the number of "people of long will", which increased over the course of 20 years. But let's not get ahead of ourselves, but focus on the middle of the XII century - the phase of the ethnic formation of the Mongolian ethnos.

It is natural to ask the question: on whose side should the reader's sympathy be, or who was right: the family members or "people of long will"? This question lies more in the sphere of emotions than in the field of scientific analysis. However, emotions and rational analysis are so intertwined with each other that separating them would be artificial and futile.

Of course, the question should be formulated somewhat differently: not who is right or sympathetic, but who could provide the Mongolian ethnic group with the possibility of existence and development? Who could organize defense against the extermination campaigns of the Jurchens and preserve the legacy of their ancestors - loyalty to their neighbors, the sanctity of the hearth, the inviolability of the oaths pronounced and respect for customs that replaced the Mongols laws? It would seem that the champions of customary law and the laws of hospitality should have been not homeless vagabonds with a "long will", but relatives associated with traditions and native lands, conservatives according to the accepted principle. But let's see how these decent people behaved during the decades of their undivided domination.

115. OBLIVION OF ANCIENT CUSTOMS

Although in 1147 the Mongols victoriously ended the war with the Jurchens and concluded an honorable, profitable and desirable peace, there was unrest in the Great Steppe.  The world was fragile. Being shamanists, not Mithraists, the Jurchens did not keep their oaths. And even worse, they corrupted their Tatar neighbors. These latter used their prestige of the steppe people in order to receive a bribe from the Altan Khan of the empire for the most heinous crimes, mainly treachery.

The eldest son of Khabul-hagan, Okin-Barha, resembled a girl in beauty and grace.[25] People were amazed by his round, open face with a full chin[26]. He had a married son, but Okin-Barkha did not see his grandson, Sachen-beki. Okin-Barkha was waylaid by the Tatars and handed over to Altan Khan, i.e. the Jurchen monarch Khol. The unfortunate prince was nailed with iron nails to a wooden donkey and allowed to die a slow and painful death exposed to the sun. This happened during the lifetime of Khabul-hagan, i.e. before 1147, but then it was no better.

In 1150, the new emperor of Kin, Digunai, ordered an attack on the recalcitrant nomads,[27] despite the peace concluded in 1147. This time, the victim of the betrayal of the Tatar leader Nor-Buyuruk Khan turned out to be the Kerait khan Markuz, i.e. Mark (Nestorian). He was also given out to die, and he died on the same wooden donkey. His widow, the beautiful Kutuktai-herikun ("exciting with her beauty"), found a way, equally treacherous, to kill several Tatar leaders during a feast [28], but this, although it satisfied her feelings, did not change anything.

After the death of Khabul-hagan and the death of Markuz, Khabul's nephew Ambagai-hagan, whom the deceased preferred to his seven sons, became in charge of the Mongol clans. He was also lured to himself by the Tatars [29] with whom the Mongols had peace at that time, sealed by the engagement of the son of Ambagai with the daughter of the leader of the tribe of "white (chagan) Tatars". According to the Mongolian custom, several years should pass between the engagement and the wedding, sometimes even five or six.[30] Over the years, the political situation has changed, which Ambagai did not know about.

While the monster and tyrant Digunai ruled in the Kin Empire, killing his entourage and striving to conquer Southern China, it was relatively calm in the Steppe. But in 1161, Digunai was killed by his entourage, and the new emperor Ulu issued a manifesto, which spoke about the war with the Mongols. [31]. A large punitive campaign was planned against the unsuspecting Mongols, and the Jurchen diplomats attracted the Tatars to their side. It was during these fateful days that Ambagai-hagan went to visit the "white Tatars" to bring a bride with a dowry to his home. His companions were his younger brother Todoen-otchigin and adviser Chintay-noyon. The latter, being an intelligent and prudent man, tried to persuade Ambagai to return, citing unfavorable omens, but he refused to reckon with superstitions and arrived at a feast arranged in his honor.

The leader of the neighboring tribe Bayat-duklat Munka-chauthuri invited Todoen-otchigin together with his adviser and also treated him to glory. Ten days later, in the midst of the feast, a messenger from the Tatars arrived and reported that Ambagai had been captured, the Tatars asked to deliver Todoen, and to march on the Mongols themselves.

However, the duclats did not betray the guest. Munka, on the advice of his elders, gave him a horse and recommended that he not delay on the way. Todoen escaped, but the Tatars plundered the Duklatov camp.[32]

Brought to the Jurchen "Altan Khan" Ulu, Ambagai was nailed to a wooden donkey, but before his death he ordered one of his nuhurs (vigilantes) to hand over to the emperor: "You did not fill me with your courage, valor and strength, but others... they brought me to you. By killing me so shamefully, you make Hadan-taishi, Hutul-kaan and Yesugei-bagatur, the elder and younger relatives of the Mongol ulus, your enemies... No doubt they will rise to avenge my blood on you. It's unwise to kill me." In response to this, Ulu laughed and gave the vigilante several horses to notify the Mongols about Ambagai's murder. He, having reached the nomads of the Durban tribe, asked to change the tired horse, but they refused, contrary to the steppe custom. The poor man drove his horses to death and walked home.[33]

How did the Mongols meet this tragic news? They, referring to the will of the deceased, made Hutula khan. "And the Mongols had fun with feasts and dances... around a spreading tree on Khorkhonakh (near the shore of Onon). They danced so much that potholes formed up to the hip, and piles of dust up to the knee"[34]. Yes, each of us has enough strength to endure the suffering of our neighbor!

The new khan was as powerful and fierce as a bear, but even more stupid. The campaign against the Jurchens, in revenge for the blood of Ambagai, did not take place because the khan could not organize it [35]. Instead, he started hunting with falcons and was caught in the steppe by the Durbans. The Nuhurs scattered to wherever they went, and the khan and his horse got bogged down in a small swamp. That's where he showed himself. He drove off the enemies who rode up to the other side of the swamp with bow shots, then grabbed the horse by the withers and pulled it out of the mud, then, deciding that it was a shame to return without prey, stole a stallion with a herd of mares from the Durbans and, finally, filled his boots (because he had no other container) with wild duck eggs. After these exploits, he returned home, where a wake was held for him. How he died is unknown, but he was soon replaced by Hadan-taishi, who would lose thirteen battles to the Tatars only in 1161-1162[36].

Especially tragic for the Mongols was the defeat at Lake Buir-Nor in 1161, after which the Mongol Khanate collapsed, as part of the tribes refused to lay down their lives for an incompetent leader and carry out orders, the impracticability of which was obvious.

The Jurchen government, having learned about such a super-successful turn of affairs for them, suspended the prepared campaign [37] in order to save money, which the new emperor Ulu needed to suppress the Khitan uprising. The Khitan continued to hate their enslavers. Having learned about the murder of the bloodthirsty Digunai, they considered 1162 a moment favorable to the uprising. However, the Jurchen veterans won again. The captured soldiers were put to death, and the women were turned into concubines.[38] This unexpected diversion saved the Mongols from complete extermination.

On the other hand, the Chinese war absorbed large Jurchen forces until 1165, when the Chinese were completely defeated at Huai Yang. After this battle, a favorable peace was concluded for the Jurchens, but the time for war with the Mongols was lost.

Even with such a favorable combination of circumstances, the Mongol Khanate was on the verge of death. Hemmed in by the Tatars from the southeast and the Merkits from the northwest, the Mongols had to find an ally who would help them not even win, but at least survive. Then Hadan turned for help to the Keraite prince, the son of the deceased Markuz, who bore the title "gurkhan" (head of the intertribal association). Apparently, they agreed, but before leaving, the Gurkhans treated the Mongols, according to custom, with tarasun (milk vodka). The Nuhurov vomited, and they survived, and Hadan, who drank last, soon died. Apparently, Jurchen spies penetrated here as well. After the death of Hadan, the Mongol state collapsed, but since it was necessary to defend against enemies, one of the grandchildren of Khabul-hagan, Yesugey-Bagatur, became the military leader.

116. YESUGEY-BAGATUR

At the very time when the Tatars were taking the bound Ambagai-hagan to the death throes in China, his young nephew Yesugei was having fun hunting birds on the green bank of the bright Onon. He came across a cart in which a young, very beautiful girl was sitting, and her newlywed, Yeke-Chiledu from the Merkit tribe, was riding next to her. Yesugei immediately went home and returned with his two brothers. Chiledu realized that he alone could not cope with three heroes, and, whipping his horse, let him gallop at full speed, trying to hide behind the hill. The Mongols rushed after him, but fell behind so far that Chiledu, rounding the hill, returned to the cart. The smart girl quickly said to him, "Didn't you realize that it's about your life? Find yourself another wife, but call her by my name-Hoelun. Save yourself." Three pursuers had already appeared from behind the hill and were flying up to Chiled. Merkit whipped his steed again and raced up the Onon. The Mongols chased him for a long time, but fell behind. Then they returned to the cart and took the crying captive to their camp. They were not evil and consoled Hoelun with the fact that now, they say, nothing can be returned anyway.

Yes, in those cruel times it was an ordinary abduction of the bride, although even then, it was supposed to ask her opinion and get her consent. But such a trifle was not counted, and Hoelun became Yesugei's first wife.

It was difficult to find a best friend, and it was equally difficult to make more irreconcilable enemies than the militant Merkits who did not forget anything. Thus, the Mongols, who were facing a war with their southern neighbors, the Tatars, again quarreled with their northern neighbors, the Merkits, and at the most inopportune moment. Yesugei's honeymoon ended at the very beginning - a war broke out with the Tatars for the blood of Ambagai.

In this war, the greatest success fell to the share of Yesugei-bagatura. In 1162, he managed to capture several Tatar heroes just at the time when Hoelun gave him her first child. The touched father named him Temujin, after the prisoner who was killed at the birth of his son. Thus, the newborn immediately became a blood enemy of the mighty Tatar tribe. This made his life very difficult in the future.

Oddly enough, Yesugei and Hoelun's marriage turned out to be a happy one. She gave birth to three more sons: Khasara in 1164, Kachiun in 1166, Temuge in 1169 and daughter Temulun in 1170. Yesugei had two sons by his second wife: Bekter and Belgutei. During these years, Yesugei-bagatur became a strong and influential leader, although he was not elected to the khans. However, this did not prevent him from having fun living and engaging in politics in his spare time. Serious politics began around 1170.

The Keraites were the Mongols' natural ally in the fight against the Jurchens, but there was no order in this mighty horde.

The populous, rich and cultured Keraite Khanate was surrounded on all sides by enemies, and the relatives, instead of strengthening the state, entered into deals with the Naimans, then with the Merkits, then with the Tatars. The khan himself was untouchable, but his son Togrul had a bad time. At the age of seven, he was captured by the Merkits, and they forced him to pound millet in a mortar, i.e. they used the khan's son as a domestic servant. He was saved by his father, who raided the Merkit camp to return his son. Six years later, Togrul and his mother were captured by the Tatars. This time he didn't get help from home. Being a brave man, the prince fled by himself and returned to his father, whose heir he was.

These events point to the extreme tension of relations in the Kerait Khan's headquarters. The enemies could capture the tsarevich twice only with the complicity of khan's relatives and nobles. And it is not surprising that, upon assuming the throne, Togrul executed several of his relatives. But the surviving uncle, who bore the title "gurkhan", angered the people and overthrew Togrul.

Let us recall that Hadan-taishi was poisoned at the headquarters of this very gurkhan. Even if Gurkhan himself was innocent of this, but he did not take measures to protect the person of an ally and a guest. Therefore, the sympathies of the Mongols turned out to be on the side of Togrul. In 1170 or 1171, Yesugei-Bagatur came from the shores of Onon to the shores of Tola with a loyal army and forced Gurkhan to flee beyond the Gobi, to the Tanguts, and Togrul again sat on the throne.

After such a feat, Yesugei returned to personal affairs: he engaged his nine-year-old son Temujin to a ten-year-old Borte from the Honkirat tribe. The sincere and good-natured Dai-Sachen, the father of the bride, received the future son-in-law very well. "There is fire in his gaze, and his face is like the dawn," he said to Yesugei. And he, leaving his son in the nomadic Khonkirats, only asked the matchmaker about one thing: "Save my boy from dogs. He is very afraid of them." This last one was somewhat unusual. Scary wolfhounds guarding sheep never touch children. A Mongolian boy easily disperses a barking pack of dogs with one wave of his wide sleeve. Yesugei's warning speaks of Temujin's increased nervousness, often accompanied by a developed imagination and enterprise. Over the years, such nervousness is suppressed by will and reason, so it does not cause damage.

Returning home, Yesugei noticed a group of people feasting among the steppe. Since he was tired and thirsty, he drove up to them and ... saw that they were Tatars. They also recognized him, but invited him to the feast as a guest. Yesugei ate and drank, but when he left, he felt bad. With difficulty he got home, being sure that he had been poisoned for old grievances. With this confidence, he died.

It is difficult to say that Yesugei made the right diagnosis for himself. After all, he spent three days in the saddle after the feast, although he felt very bad. The disease worsened only on the fourth day, when he was at home. Any infection is possible here. Another thing is important: his confidence that the steppe customs of hospitality can be trampled and forgotten. The rigid stereotype of Mongol behavior was breaking before our eyes.

Before his death, Yesugei-bagatur called one of his Nuhurs, Munlik, to him, entrusted him with the care of the family and asked him to return Temujin home as soon as possible. Munlik proved worthy of the trust placed in him: he immediately went to the Honkirats, said that the father missed his son, and brought the boy home. Upon learning of the loss, Temujin fell to the ground from grief and was convulsed. Munlik's father, an old Charkha, said to him: "Why are you, poor fellow, struggling like a caught taimen? Call your turhaud (guards)." The advice was wise, but impracticable. Temujin was not the son of a king or a feudal lord, but a hero, whose entire wealth lay in his energy and extraordinary organizational abilities.

Yesugei's tribesmen appreciated these abilities, because it was convenient for them to shift responsibility for the military actions that were carried out annually to the shoulders of a person who was not a stranger and not very close. But as often happens, they did not feel any love or affection for their leader, and respect is not a guarantee of loyalty, especially in case of sudden trouble. The young heir of the deceased hero was not needed or interesting to anyone.

However, there were kind-hearted people among the Mongolian noble relatives. This turned out to be the head of the Taijiut tribe Targutai-Kiriltukh. He visited Yesugei's nomad camp and brought young Temujin to "teach him how to teach a three-year-old colt." Targutai-Kiriltukh helped him to bear the bitterness of loss, not thinking that this would save him from a painful death in many years. But Targutai-Kiriltukh was not a hagan, but only a noyon in his tribe. He could advise, not command; advice, even if listened to, is rarely accepted for execution. Such freedom was provided by the ancient tribal system, in which public opinion is not guided by the political calculations of wise elders and energetic leaders. Sometimes the opinion of capricious women and their servants becomes crucial. They can commit irresponsible acts with impunity, without at all thinking about their consequences.  So, it was in this case. Winter has passed, the memory of Yesugei's merits has faded... and then it began.[39]

(WE’LL SEE: NEXT CHAPTER.)

NOTES

[1] See: Kychapov E.I. Essays on the history of the Tangut state. M..1968. pp. 253-256.

[2] Lubsan Danzan. Altan tobchi ("The Golden Legend"). Translated from the Mong. (hereinafter: Altan tobchi). M., 1973. p. 18.

[3] Parlez X. The Mongol tribes themselves during the Khitan Empire (907 - 1125). Proceedings of the XXV International Congress of Orientalists. Vol. 1962. p. 314.

[4] See: Vladimirtsov B.Ya. The social system of the Mongols.L., 1934. P.74.

[5] Ibid. P. 74.

[6] See: Gumilev L.N. The history of the rhythm of nomadic culture of Central Asia. Experience of historical and geographical synthesis//The peoples of Asia and Africa. 1966. No. 4. pp. 85-94; he. Climate change and nomadic migration//Nature. 1972. No. 4. pp. 44-52.

[7] See: Gumilev L.N. The Search for a fictional kingdom. pp. 136-139. L.L. Viktorova (Mongols. M., 1980. p. 5) refers the Naimans to the Turks, but does not provide evidence. I explain: the Kazakh Naiman clan is of the same name with the Naimans of the XII century, but is not identical to them.

[8] Literally: "five chi and three cun" (my recount. - L.G.).

[9] Meng-da Bay-lu. p. 48.

[10] Histoire de Mogols el des Tatares par Aboul Ghazi Bahadour Khan, publiee, traduite el annotee par Baron Demaison. SPb., 1874. Vol. 11. P. 72, Cahun L. Introduclion a l'histoire de l'Asie. Paris, 1896. P. 201.

[11] See: Gumilev L.N. The Search for a fictional kingdom.Pp.101-102.

[12] See: Gumilev L.N., Kuznetsov B.I. Bon.S.72-90.

[13] The legend of Prince Siddart - Buddha in the Christian version is an apocrypha that ignores chronology (see: The Clergyman's Handbook. M., 1978. Vol. II. p. 297). Buddhists consider Jesus Christ to be a bodhisattva, the incarnation of Avalokita.

[14] Banzarov D. Black Faith; MS.: Gumilev L.N. Ancient Mongol religion; Veselovsky N. On the religion of the Tatars according to Russian chronicles //Journal of the Ministry of National Education. New series. No. 1. Department 2. PgD 1916.

[15] See: Palladium (Kafarov). The ancient Mongolian legend of Genghis Khan (Yuan-chao-mi-shi) // Works of members of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Beijing (hereinafter: Palladium). Vol.IV. St. Petersburg, 1866.pp. 172-173.

[16] Vasiliev V.P. History and antiquities of the eastern part of Central Asia (Zhao Hong) //Proceedings of the Eastern Branch of the Imp. Of the Archaeological Society. Ch. 4. St. Petersburg., 1857. p. 96.

[17] Rashid-ad-Din. Vol. 1. Book 2. /Per. O.I. Smirnova. pp. 35-36.

[18] Rashid-ad-Din has no dates of these events. By timing them to the beginning of the war, we are guided by the logic of events.

[19] See: Bichurin N.Ya. Collection of information about the peoples who lived in Central Asia in ancient times: In 2 vols. 1. M.; L., 1950. p. 378.

[20] Rashid-ad-Din.T.1. Book 2. pp.37-40.

[21] Ibid. p. 41; for the version of the message, see ibid. Vol. 1. Book 1. p. 104. On the peculiarities of compiling the "Collection of Chronicles", see: Gumilev L.N. The Search for a fictional Kingdom. pp. 239-240.

[22] See: Kozin S.A. The Secret Legend. The Mongol Chronicle of 1240 (hereinafter: Sokr. sk.).M.;LD 1941.

[23] Vasiliev V.P. History and antiquities ... p. 227.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Okin - girl (Mong.)

[26] Rashid-ad-Din. Vol.1. Book 2. pp.32-33.

[27] Palladium. p. 173.

[28] Rashid-ad-Din. Vol. 1. Book 2. p. 129.

[29] Sokr. sk. I 53

[30] See: Kozlov P.K. Mongolia and Kam. M., 1947. pp.83-84.

[31] The manifesto states that the Mongols and Tatars had previously attacked the northern borders of the Kin Empire, and now entered into an alliance with the Khitans and Tanguts (Xi-Xia). Palladius considers this information to be an invention of Jurchen diplomats, a ploy to disorient the Song Empire, against which the main blow was being prepared (Palladius. p. 173).

[32] Rashid-ad-Din. Vol. 1. Book 2. pp. 23-24.

[33] Ibid., pp. 42-43.

[34] Sokr. sk. I 57.

[35] Contrary to what Rashid-al-Din claims (T.I. Book 2. pp. 43-44). Chinese and Mongolian sources do not confirm his groundless maxims aimed at pleasing the vain customer - Khan Oljate, to the detriment of historical truth.

[36] Sokr. sk. I 58.

[37] See: Gumilev L.N. The search for a fictional kingdom. p. 154 (an analysis of the literature of the question is given) -

[38] See: Okladnikov A.P. The distant past of Primorye. Vladivostok, 1959.P.236.

[39] The chronology of subsequent events is approximate. Zhao Hong reports that in the XII century the Mongols did not yet have a 60-year cycle, but counted "one year when the grasses turn green" (Map-da Bei-lu. p. 49). In the "Secret History", the first exact date is the year of the chicken - 1201, whereas the Turks used a cyclic calendar already in the VIII century (see: Gumilev L.N. Ancient Turks. pp. 320-321). This indicates a complete break with tradition, i.e. the beginning of a new ethnogenesis. The phenological calendar is used by ethnic groups directly related to nature, but ignoring history. For this perception of time, constant repetition is sufficient, and not linear extension (see: Gumilev L.N. Ethnos and the category of time//Reports of the Geographical Society of the USSR. Issue 15. L., 1970. pp. 143-157). But as soon as people need awareness of themselves in time, with a sequence of events, they introduce either a linear account of the rulers, or a cyclical calendar. Both speak of the transition from homeostasis to dynamic development. The Mongols made this transition at the end of the XII century.

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